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Who Benefits from the Instability in the Chittagong Hill Tracts?



By Win Marma, Rajesh Tripura, Mitali Chakma


In 1998, the armed struggle in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) came to an end after members of the Jana Samhati Samiti (JSS) surrendered their arms to the Government of Bangladesh. As a result, the justification and necessity for the massive deployment of military forces in the region were supposed to end.

However, despite that, over the years of deployment in the region, the military had developed various entrenched interests—both financial and otherwise—which they were unwilling to give up. Hence, they began conspiring to find or fabricate justifications to maintain their presence in the CHT.

Everyone knows that the deployment of security forces in a region becomes necessary only when that area is unstable or at war, or if there’s a threat of foreign invasion. Therefore, the Bangladesh military stationed in the CHT has been actively trying to create instability to legitimize their continued presence.

Following the peace accord, their first attempt in this regard was to use the Jana Samhati Samiti to continue activities like killings, abductions, and terrorism to destabilize the hills. The military leadership had considerable success with this tactic. However, when strong resistance led to the weakening and division of the JSS, the situation began to calm down. At that point, the military rulers began looking for new strategies. They began creating vigilante groups to reignite unrest and conflict in the hills. Former army officials who had served in the CHT have since admitted this in various discussions.

Most recently, on November 15, 2017, the military formed a vigilante group in Khagrachari consisting of local delinquents and known criminals, including Tapon Jyoti Chakma. At the time, an army officer named Mottaleb, who was stationed in Khagrachari, played a leading role in forming this group. As a result, many people refer to this vigilante group as the "Mottaleb Bahini" (Mottaleb Force). Some also call them the "New Masked Force."

From the very beginning, this military-sponsored Mottaleb Force indulged in rampant killing and abduction. Even women were not spared from their hit list. The abduction of two female leaders of the Hill Women’s Federation, Monti Chakma and Dayasona Chakma, became a widely discussed incident across the country. Essentially, the vigilantes were unleashed to target leaders, activists, and supporters of the United People's Democratic Front (UPDF) and its affiliated organizations.

To attack the UPDF, the military directly supports both the JSS (Santu faction) and other vigilante groups. These attacks are falsely portrayed in the media—controlled by the military—as “clashes between rival groups” or “power struggles.” In this way, they aim to present the CHT as unstable and chaotic, both to the national and international audience, thereby justifying their continued deployment in the region. In short, the military establishment is deliberately destabilizing the CHT to protect its own vested interests.

UPDF is a political party formed through democratic processes, and it has always conducted its activities through democratic means. Even before its formation, the leaders of this party had a long history of democratic struggle. After the peace accord, the UPDF quickly gained popularity among the people. This was due to the evident failure of the accord and the government's and JSS's reluctance to implement it.

However, to prevent any new movement from emerging after the surrender of the JSS, the military began repressing the newly formed UPDF. They unleashed the Santu Bahini and other vigilantes on them. Despite repeated killings of UPDF leaders and activists, not only have the killers not been arrested or brought to justice, but rather, they have been protected and even supported.

Meanwhile, the UPDF—despite being a victim of terrorism—is portrayed as a “terrorist” group. The military establishment is very careful to prevent the UPDF from building a democratic image. One incident in this context is worth mentioning.

After the fall of the fascist Hasina government on August 5 last year, a democratic transition began in the country. The UPDF joined this process. They participated in the National Consensus Commission’s discussions and provided opinions on recommendations made by the Constitutional Reform Commission, Public Administration Reform Commission, Electoral Reform Commission, Judicial Reform Commission, and Police Reform Commission. On this basis, a meeting was held on May 10 in Dhaka between the National Consensus Commission and UPDF, where the need for regional autonomy in the CHT was emphasized by UPDF representatives. A second meeting was scheduled for June 2.

However, it seems the military establishment did not approve of this dialogue between the National Consensus Commission and UPDF. They mobilized ultra-nationalist and religious-fascist organizations like “Students for Sovereignty” and others to protest. These groups organized demonstrations in Dhaka and Rangamati, pressuring the commission not to hold any further meetings with UPDF. Bowing to pressure from these fringe groups, the National Consensus Commission canceled the June 2 meeting.

In short, the military establishment does not want the UPDF to operate democratically, to be part of the country’s democratic process, or to build a democratic reputation. They want to constantly portray UPDF as an “armed and terrorist” organization. The reason is simple: as mentioned before, if the general public believes that terrorist groups and terrorism exist in the CHT, it becomes easier to justify military deployment and protect vested interests.

The military rulers stationed in the CHT are using the power of propaganda to turn day into night and truth into falsehood. But the reality is completely different. To eliminate the democratic UPDF, they have created terrorist vigilantes, are nurturing them, and are using them to spread terror across the CHT.

Perhaps the military's conspiracy has temporarily succeeded. They have managed to preserve their vested interests in the CHT—for now. But one day, they will have to pay a heavy price for it.

(September 21, 2025)

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