 |
| Symbolic photo |
Janaki Chakma
Rape and gang-rape of indigenous women in the
Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) has now taken on epidemic proportions. It would
not be an exaggeration to say that there is hardly a day in the hills when an
indigenous woman or child is not subjected to rape or sexual assault by a
settler or a member of the security forces. This issue began mainly in the
1980s, when the government undertook a program to settle 400,000 Bengali
settlers from the plains into the region. Prior to that, the people of the
hills were unfamiliar with the concept of rape.
Despite decades of ongoing sexual violence — including
rape — against indigenous Jumma women in the CHT, no government has taken
effective action to stop it. Until a few years ago, if the accused were
settlers, they wouldn’t even be arrested — let alone punished. Though there are
now occasional arrests, convictions and punishments are extremely rare. And
even in the rare cases where sentences are handed down, the accused have no
difficulty securing bail. For example, in 2022, Abdul Rahim, the headmaster of RS
High School in Langadu, Rangamati, was sentenced to life imprisonment by the
Rangamati court. However, he was able to secure bail from the High Court by
submitting a false affidavit. In some cases, men arrested for rape in the hills
have committed rape again after being released on bail.
Why does this horrific cycle of rape keep happening in
the CHT? One of the main reasons is that the settler rapists know they have the
backing of the state — which includes the military, the police, and the
judiciary. They know that even if they are arrested, they will be out on bail
within days or months and will face no real consequences.
That covers the role of the state. But what about the
role of human rights groups and the country's progressive, liberal
organizations? While a few rights organizations do provide legal and other
support to rape survivors, most remain silent. Many are reluctant even to issue
a statement.
Rape does not occur only in the hills — although it
takes on a distinct and additional dimension there. Sexual violence also
happens frequently in the plains. However, incidents in the plains are more
likely to receive media coverage and attention from organizations. In contrast,
rape cases in the hills are often ignored.
When rape occurs in the plains, we often see
large-scale protests and nationwide outrage. For example, in March this year,
the rape and murder of a child named Ashia in Magura sparked nationwide
protests. In Dhaka University, female students came out of their dormitories at
midnight to demand justice and proper investigation. There were also marches
and rallies in Jahangirnagar and Rajshahi University campuses. Umamma Fatema, a
spokesperson for the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, played a key role in
this movement.
But when an indigenous woman is raped in the CHT, we
rarely see protests elsewhere in the country (with perhaps a few exceptions).
When indigenous organizations arrange protests, progressive leaders might
attend only as invited guests and give a speech — but they never take
initiative themselves. As a result, even after one horrific case of rape after
another — including rape followed by murder — the rest of the country remains
indifferent. It’s as if the indigenous people of the hills are not citizens of
Bangladesh, and the people of the plains feel no empathy for their suffering.
This indifference to such a horrific problem is profoundly disheartening for
the indigenous population. At a time when progressive political parties, civil
society, women’s rights and human rights organizations should be leading the
resistance against sexual violence in the hills, their silence benefits the
ruling forces in the CHT and even emboldens the rapists.
We call for an end to this silence and indifference
from the people of the plains — especially the progressives.
(September 26, 2025)
--------