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Defeat of Brokerage and Betrayal in the Khagrachhari Constituency


Commentary, CHT News

Preliminary results of Constituency No. 298 (Khagrachari) in the 13th National Parliamentary Election are as follows:

• Wadud Bhuiyan (Sheaf of Paddy) – 151,040 votes

• Dharma Jyoti Chakma (Horse) – 68,315 votes

• Eyakub Ali (Scales) – 58,454 votes

• Samiran Dewan (Football) – 47,910 votes

(The votes received by the remaining seven candidates are not considered particularly relevant to this discussion and are therefore omitted.)

The reasons behind the defeat of the “Horse” symbol are multifaceted and require deep analysis. Here, six key reasons are briefly identified and discussed.

1) Betrayal of National Interests by the JSS Santu Group and the Reformists

The JSS Santu Group did not support Dharma Jyoti Chakma, the candidate nominated through a democratic process by Khagrachari’s civil society. Instead, they fielded the notorious Dalal (collaborator) Samiran Dewan, thereby ensuring the victory of Wadud Bhuiyan.

Not only that, they reportedly threatened civil society leaders, forcing them to halt their activities, and campaigned aggressively and fanatically in favor of Samiran Dewan. They allegedly coerced Dharma Jyoti Chakma into signing a withdrawal application, continuously pressured and threatened him and his family to withdraw from the election, and even attempted to abduct him. Fearing for his life, he was compelled to go into hiding for several days.

Meanwhile, the reformists initially pledged to support the civil society–nominated candidate but later withdrew from that position for unknown reasons and campaigned in favor of the Dalal. They also allegedly threatened and pressured supporters of the Horse symbol. As a result, the Jumma vote was divided, making Wadud Bhuiyan’s victory smooth and unobstructed.

2) Increase in the Number of Settler Voters

The rise in the number of Bengali and settler voters influenced the election outcome. In the Khagrachari constituency, the total number of voters is 554,114. Of these, 282,986 are Bengali and settler voters, while 271,127 are Jumma voters (Chakma: 135,915; Tripura: 76,430; Marma: 57,587; others: 1,192).

In the 2001 and 2008 elections, settler voters did not outnumber the Jumma voters. Over the past 28 years, taking advantage of fratricidal conflict initiated by the JSS Santu Group, settlers have infiltrated Khagrachari, Rangamati, and Bandarban in significant numbers. While JSS and UPDF were engaged in internal conflict initiated by Santu Larma, settlers expanded their population. Without such fratricidal conflict, settlers would not have had this opportunity, and mass resistance against their infiltration could have been built.

It also needs to be mentioned that during the civil war period of the 1980s, the Bangladesh government was able to resettle settlers in the Chittagong Hill Tracts because of this same Santu Larma.

3) The Consequence of 35 Years of Self-Destructive and Opportunistic Politics

According to this analysis, the election result is the inevitable outcome of 35 years of self-destructive, shortsighted, and tailing politics by the JSS Santu Group. Since the 1991 election, they have alternately compelled people to vote for the Awami League and the BNP. Due to this opportunistic politics, a significant portion of Jumma people became aligned with these two parties.

It is argued that many joined whichever party was ascendant at a given time, lacking national consciousness and being not only detached from movements but actively opposed to them. These groups allegedly played key roles in helping reactionary party nominees win against Jumma national interests.

There is nothing to be surprised. Over 35 years, JSS did not lead movements, but obstructed others from organizing movements, and focused on fratricidal violence. Had UPDF not continued some level of movement, even those who voted for Dharmjyoti Chakma out of ethnic solidarity and patriotism might have drifted to the Awami League or BNP long ago.

4) Division Among Jumma Parties

Rivalry between the Horse and Football symbols—effectively disunity and internal conflict among Jumma parties—discouraged many Jumma voters, leading them to abstain from voting. This, in turn, benefited the settler candidate Wadud Bhuiyan.

5) Low Voter Turnout Among Jumma Voters

Because UPDF and others were busy addressing threats from JSS, they could not fully engage in campaigning. As a result, roughly half of the Jumma voters did not cast their votes.

If we assume that about 40,000 Jumma voters cast votes for the BNP, then the total number of Jumma voters who voted would be:

68,315 (Horse) + 47,910 (Football) + 40,000 (Sheaf of Paddy) = 156,215.

Given that the total number of Jumma voters is 271,127, at least 114,912 Jumma voters abstained. If even one-third of these abstaining voters had gone to the polls, and if Samiran Dewan had not contested, the Horse symbol’s chances of victory would have been strong.

6) No Room for Compromise in Candidate Selection

UPDF had no room to compromise on its candidate. Had JSS nominated someone other than Samiran Dewan—someone without a record of Dalali (collaboration)—UPDF could have considered supporting that person. Supporting Samiran Dewan, described as a Dalal and traitor, would have amounted to political suicide for UPDF. Moreover, UPDF had committed to supporting the candidate nominated by the civil society. JSS, on the other hand, could easily have supported Dharma Jyoti Chakma.

Conclusion

It is clear from the above analysis that, ultimately, due to the self-destructive and opportunistic politics of the JSS Santu Group, the Khagrachari seat (as well as Rangamati and Bandarban) once again slipped from the hands of the people.

However, even in defeat there is a kind of victory. Although the seat was lost, the people of Khagrachari delivered a clear verdict against the Dalali and betrayal of Samiran Dewan. This verdict is seen as a rejection of Santu Larma’s self-destructive politics and an endorsement of the revolutionary current represented by UPDF and emerging youth.

UPDF does not consider electoral victory its ultimate goal. For the people, national elections are part of a broader movement. The party views elections as a tool to advance the struggle for rights and to raise political consciousness by helping people identify friends and foes.

From this perspective, the party considers itself somewhat successful in the 13th National Parliamentary Election. The “ugly face” of JSS Santu Group’s Dalali politics has been exposed. Meanwhile, young people participated spontaneously in campaigning, expressing a strong desire for change. The experience gained in this election will be useful for future movements.

The youth have realized that real change will not come through elections alone but through other forms of struggle. They have understood that without confronting opportunistic Dalals, the national liberation struggle of the Jumma people cannot advance even a single step. This political consciousness among the youth has been brought about by the election.

(13 February 2026)

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